Mr.  Ware’s 

THANKSGIVING  SERMON, 

February  19,  1795. 

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The  Continuance  of  Peace  and  increasing 
Prosperity  a Source  of  Consolation 
and  just  Cause  of  Gratitude  to  the 
Inhabitants  of  the  United  States. 

A 

SERMON, 

Delivered  February  19,  1795; 
BEING  A DAY  SET  APART 

B Y 

The  PRESIDENT, 

for 

THANKSGIVING  and  prayer 

THROUGH  THE 

United  States. 


By  HENRY  WARE, 

Pastor  of  a Church  in  Hingham. 


Blefied  be  the  Lord,  who  hath  not  given  us  as  a Prey  to  their  Teeth. 
The  Snare  is  broken  and  we  are  efcaped. 

That  I may  fee  the  Good  of  thy  chofen,  that  I may  rejoice  in  the  Gladnefs 
of  thy  Nation. 

David. 


Printed  by  Samuel  Hall,  No.  53,  Cornhill,  Boston. 
I79S- 


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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
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https://archive.org/details/continuanceofpeaOOware 


Psalm  cxlvii.  12,  13,  & 14  ver. 

Praise  the  Lord,  O Jerusalem  ; praise  thy 
God,  O Zion. 

For  he  hath  strengthened  the  Bars  of  thy 
Gates  : He  hath  blessed  thy  Children 
within  thee. 

He  maketh  Peace  in  thy  Borders,  and  filleth 
thee  with  the  finest  of  the  Wheat. 

THE  occafion,  my  chriftian  friends,  which 
calls  us  together  this  day  to  the  houfe  of 
God,  is  equally  important  and  joyous  ; and 
the  obfervance  of  this  day  by  the  whole  people  of 
united  America,  in  public  expreflions  of  gratitude  to 
God  for  important  national  bleffings,  exhibits  to  the 
imagination  a mofi:  magnificent  and  interefting  fcene. 

To  aid  us  in  contemplations  fuited  to  the  occafion, 
I have  feledled  the  paffage  of  Scripture  which  has 
now  been  read. 

It  may  be  applied,  perhaps,  with  as  flriking  pro- 
priety to  the  prefent  circumftances  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  country,  as  it  ever  could  be  to  thofe  of  any 
people,  fince  its  original  application,  by  the  facred 
penman,  to  the  fituation  of  the  children  of  Ifrael,  at 
a time  of  great  profperity.  In 


[ 6 ] 

In  the  Prefident’s  proclamation  for  this  day,  we 
have  a reprefentation  of  the  prefent  condition  of  the 
United  States,  which  remarkably  correfponds,  in  its 
leading  features,  with  the  elegant  and  fublime  def- 
cription  in  the  text. 

He  maketh  peace , faith  the  Pfalmift,  in  thy  borders , 
The  Prefident,  in  the  preamble  to  the  proclamation, 
fpeaks  of  “ our  exemption  hitherto  from  foreign  war, 
*f  and  an  increafing  profpecft  of  the  continuance  of 
“ that  exemption.”  The  Pfalmift  fays.  He  hath 
jlrengthened  the  bars  of  thy  gates . The  Prefident  takes 
notice  of  fC  the  great  degree  of  internal  tranquility 
“ we  have  enjoyed,  and  the  recent  confirmation  of 
“ that  tranquility,  by  the  fuppreflion  of  an  infurrec- 
**  tion  which  fo  wantonly  threatened  it.”  And  parallel 
to  the  words  of  the  text,  He  hath  bleffed  thy  children 
zvilhin  thee , and  filleth  thee  with  the  finefi  of  the  wheat , 
are  thofe  of  the  proclamation,  which  remind  us  of 
“ the  happy  courfe  of  our  public  affairs  in  general, 
“ and  the  unexampled  profperity  of  all  claffes  of  our 
“ citizens.” 

On  account  of  fuch  important  public  bleflings,  the 
children  of  Ifrael  are  called  upon  to  exprefs  their 
gratitude  to  God.  Praife  the  Lord , 0 Jerufalem , 
praife  thy  God , O Zion  / And  in  " circumftances  which 
“ fo  peculiarly  mark  our  fituation  with  indications  of 
" the  divine  beneficence  towards  us,”  we  are  reminded 
in  the' proclamation  of  our  duty  as  a people,  with 

<c  devout 


C 7 ] 

**  devout  reverence,  and  affectionate  gratitude,  to 
<e  acknowlege  our  many  and  great  obligations  to 
tf  Almighty  God,  and  to  implore  him  to  continue 
“ and  confirm  the  bleflings  we  experience.” 

That  we  may  know  the  extent  of  our  obligations, 
and  have  feelings  awakened  anfwerable  to  them  ; let 
us  now  take  a particular  view  of  that  ftate  of  prof- 
perity,  which,  at  this  day,  marks  the  condition  of  the 
United  States  ; the  general  outlines  of  which  are  fo 
juftly  fketched  in  the  proclamation. 

The  bafis  of  all  our  public  happinefs  are  certainly 
the  conjlitutions  of  government  under  which  we  live  ; 
which,  in  a degree  perhaps  never  before  experienced 
in  any  country,  “ unite,  and  by  their  union  eftablifh, 
liberty  with  order.” 

In  other  countries,  liberty  has  ufually  languifhed 
under  a fyftem  of  corruption,  or  been  crufhed  beneath 
the  arm  of  arbitrary  power  ; or  elfe  the  focial  order 
has  become  the  vi&im  of  fa&ion  ; and  liberty  has 
degenerated  into  a licentioufnefs,  more  dreadful  in  its 
operation,  and  more  oppreffive  in  its  effects  than  any 
other  fyftem  of  tyranny. 

The  conftitution  of  the  United  States,  and  thofe 
of  the  feveral  ftates  which  compofe  the  Union,  are 
formed  on  purely  republican  principles.  They  were 
the  deliberate  aCt  of  the  people, — intended  to  fecure 
their  rights,  by  guarding,  on  the  one  hand,  againft 
encroachment  and  oppreffion  by  'perfons  inverted 

with 


[ * 3 

with  civil  power  ; and,  on  the  other,  againft  the 
numberlefs  evils,  which  muffc  refult  from  a relapfe 
into  licentioufnefs  and  diforder.  And  they  happily 
embrace  the  two  great  objects  of  government, — fe- 
curity  of  rights  to  individuals,  and  of  ftrength,  dig- 
nity, and  order  to  fociety. 

Under  thefe  confdtutions  every  man  enjoys  perfedt 
fecurity,  and  feels  an  honeft  independence,  while  he 
condudts  confiftently  with  the  general  good,  and  does 
not  contravene  the  rights  of  others.  The  pooreft 
member  of  the  community  is  confcious  of  a perfedt 
equality  with  the  richeft,  in  refpedt  to  the  protection 
of  his  perfon,  and  the  fecurity  of  his  property.  And 
not  only  fo,  but,  under  the  conftitution  of  this  Com- 
monwealth with  few  exceptions,  and  under  that  of 
the  United  States  without  any,  he  is  taught  to  feel 
his  importance  as  a member  of  the  body  politic,  by 
his  having  an  equal  voice  in  the  election  of  perfons 
to  hold  the  molt  important  offices  of  government, 
and  by  being  himfelf,  equally  with  others,  eligible 
to  the  firft  offices. 

It  is  a great  excellency  of  our  government,  that 
our  rulers  are  from  among  ourfelves  ; and  that  they 
do  not  derive  their  ftations  from  birth,  or  any  adven- 
titious circumftances,  but  are  raifed  to  office  by  the 
fuffrages  of  the  people  ; that  they  enjoy  no  heredi- 
tary diftindlion,  or  right  of  domination ; that  they  are 
fervants  of  the  people, — accountable  to  them  for 

their 


t 9 3 

their  conducft  in  the  offices  in  which  they  are  placed 
by  their  voice,  and  liable  to  be  difplaced,  if  they  are 
found  to  neglecft  their  duty,  or  betray  their  truft. 

Our  conftitutions  of  government,  under  which  all 
enjoy  equal  rights,  by  having  equal  protection  of 
perfons  and  fecurity  of  property,  and  by  being  equal- 
ly reprefented  in  the  adminiftration,  are  the  glory  of 
our  land,  and  the  admiration  and  envy  of  the  friends 
of  freedom  in  other  countries.  Imperfedtions  they 
doubtlefs  have  in  common  with  all  other  productions 
of  human  wifdom  ; yet  fuch  is,  nbtwithftanding, 
their  intrinfic  excellence  and  real  importance,  that 
the  contemplation  of  them  this  day  may  with  the 
greateft  propriety  fill  with  fatisfadlion  our  hearts,  who 
are  fo  deeply  interefted  in  them,  and  our  lips  with 
praife  to  the  benign  Author  of  all  good  ; inafmuch 
as  they  lay  the  foundation  of  all  our  civil  and  politi- 
cal advantages,  and  are  the  fource  of  mod  of  our  fa- 
cial and  domeftic  felicity. 

Next  to  the  glorious  fabric  of  our  government, 
cc  the  prefervation  of  our  peace  foreign  and  domeftic,” 
by  which  we  continue  to  enjoy  its  bleflings,  lays  claim 
to  a tribute  of  gratitude  to  the  God  of  peace. 

In  order  juftly  to  eftimate  the  bleffing  of  peace 
foreign  and  domeftic  at  the  prefent  day,  and  in  the 
prefent  pofture  of  affairs,  it  is  neceffary  for  us  to  lend 
our  attention  to  the  circumftances  which  have,  for 
fome  time,  endangered  its  cxiftence. 

B 


Several 


L 10  ] 

Several  circum fiances,  in  the  courfe  of  two  years 
pall,  have  concurred  to  embarrafs  our  internal  affairs, 
and  to  render  our  fituation  with  foreign  nations  ex- 
tremely delicate  and  critical. 

The  war,  which  has  been  carried  on  with  fo  much 
zeal  and  obftinacy  between  France  and  feveral  of  the 
European  powers  combined  againft  her  liberties  and 

i 

independence,  could  not,  from  the  nature  of  the 
thing,  be  uninterefting  to  this  country.  Having  our- 
felves,  fo  lately,  made  a glorious  and  fuccefsful  fac- 
rifice  in  the  caufe  of  liberty,  it  was  natural  for  us  to 
rejoice  to  fee  the  principles  of  freedom  extending 
their  influence.  And  we  could  not  but  behold  with 
peculiar  fatisfadtion  the  ardent  and  refolute  exertions 
for  freedom  in  a large  and  powerful  nation  with 
which  we  were  in  alliance;  and  which  had  long  groan- 
ed under  as  refined  and  fyftematic  defpotifm,  as,  per- 
haps, ever  exifted  in  the  world. — And,  proportioned 
to  our  fatisfadtion  in  the  efforts  made  by  the  French 
nation  to  {hake  off  the  fetters  of  flavery,  and  recover 
their  freedom,  was  our  indignation  at  the  unprovok- 
ed, and  unreafonable  interference  of  a wicked  com- 
bination in  her  internal  concerns.  And  as  lincerely 
as  we  lamented  the  exceffes,  which,  till  lately,  dif- 
graced  the  glorious  caufe  in  which  France  was  en- 
gaged ; and  as  much  as  we  detefled  the  fanguinary 
meafures  purfued  by  a fadfion  within  her  ; the 
American  people  had  difcernment  enough  to  know, 

that 


[ 3 

that  thefe  exceffes  were  not  to  be  attributed  to  the 
caufe  in  which  (lie  was  engaged  ; and  they  had  can- 
dour enough  to  trace  them  to  their  true  fource. 
They  knew  that  great  convulfions  were  inevitable  in 
fo  great  a revolution,  and  that  violent  meafures  were 
to  be  expefted  in  the  exertions  of  a people,  who  were 
engaged  with  zeal  and  refolution  in  crufhing  an  an- 
cient and  eftablifhed  tyranny  ; and  ftill  felt  the  deep- 
eft  refentment  againft  thofe,  who  had  been  the  inftru- 
ments  of  their  oppreftion,  and  who,  they  naturally 
fuppofed,  were  wiftiing  to  prolong  it.  They  were 
aware,  belides,  that  the  open  invafton  of  France  by 
the  combined  powers,  and  their  fecret  intrigues  in 
the  heart  of  the  country,  by  exafperating  the  friends 
of  the  revolution,  by  fowing  jealoufies  and  diftruft 
among  the  leaders  of  it,  and  fomenting  faeftion  in 
every  form  through  the  nation,  were  the  principal 
caufes,  to  which  were  to  be  imputed  the  fhocking 
feenes,  which  caft  a'  deep  fhade  over  the  dawn  of 
freedom  in  that  country. 

The  American  people,  in  general,  have  wi Hied 
well  to  the  caufe  of  the  French,  through  every  ftage 
of  the  revolution  ; at  the  fame  time  that  they  had  to 
lament  it  fhould  be  the  occasion  of  fo  much  incidental 
mifery,  and  fuch  fhocking  feenes  of  wanton  cruelty 
and  injuft  ice. 

This  partiality  of  the  Americans  to  the  caufe  of 
the  French,  expreffed  perhaps  by  individuals  too 

ftrongly 


r*  -Vi 

L 12  J 

ftrongly  and  pointedly  for  a neutral  power,  operated 
as  an  encouragement  to  them  to  employ  every  effort 
to  engage  us  to  take  an  aftive  part  in  their  caufe  ; at 
the  fame  time  it  awakened  the  jealoufy  of  fome  of  the 
combined  powers,  and  might  probably  be  one  occa- 
fion  of  the  unfriendly  and  hoftile  mode  of  treatment 
adopted  toward  us  by  the  Britifh  court. 

Thus  were  we  expofed  to  the  attempts  of  one  na- 
tion to  draw  us  into  the  war,  which  through  the  arts 
of  an  intriguing  minifter  had  nearly  proved  effe&ual ; 
while  by  another  we  were  provoked  by  various  infults, 
and  by  acffis  of  robbery,  outrage,  and  hoflility  chal- 
lenged to  unfheath  the  iword. 

To  defeat  the  views  and  fruftrate  the  expeftations 
of  thofe,  who  wifhed  us  to  take  part  with  them  in  the 
war,  in  fuch  a manner  as  to  preferve  at  the  fame  time 
their  friendfhip  and  confidence ; and  to  fupport  our 
national  confequence  with  thofe,  who  had  grofsly  in- 
fulted  and  injured  us,  without  drawing  the  fvvord  to 
refent  the  infulr,  and  feek  fatisfaflion  for  the  injury  ; 
required  in  our  government  more  wifdom  and  ad- 
drefs,  and  more  coolnefs  and  moderation  united  with 
firmnefs,  than  generally  fall  to  the  lot  of  men,  to 
whom  are  entrufted  the  affairs  of  nations. 

And  the  difficulty  of  conducing  in  fuch  a manner 
as  to  avoid  taking  a fide  in  the  European  war  was 
increafed  by  feveral  inaufpicious  circumfkmces  a - 
mong  ourfelves. 


There 


[ *3  3 

There  were  fome  men  among  us  fo  regardlefs  of 
the  common  good,  and  entirely  under  the  influence 
of  felfilh  views,  as  to  rejoice  in  the  profped  of  war, 
from  the  hope  of  riling  to  wealth  by  the  calamities 
of  their  country.  There  were  with  us,  as  there  are 
in  all  countries,  men  who  are  impatient  of  the  linger- 
ing procefs  of  induftry  and  regular  bufinefs  to  make 
their  fortune.  To  fuch  men  war  prefents  the  moft 
fafeinating  profpedls.  Having,  before  their  eyes,  ex- 
amples of  enormous  eftates  very  eafily  and  rapidly 
amaffed,  in  the  courfe  of  the  late  revolution  in  this 
country,  by  privateering,  and  various  kinds  of  fpecu- 
lation,  which  war,  and  its  confequence,  a general 
derangement  of  affairs,  never  fail  to  prefent ; they 
dream  of  nothing  but  war  and  revolution  : and 
nothing  will  fatisfy  their  avaricious  defires,  till  by 
war  they  can  be  furnifhed  with  an  eafy  and  expe- 
ditious way  of  riling  to  opulence  ; or  by  producing 
internal  confufion,  and  effecting  a change  in  the  or- 
der of  things,  they  can  avail  themfelves  of  the  gene- 
ral convulfion  and  Ihift  of  property  to  fecure  an  am- 
ple lhare  to  themfelves. 

Characters  of  this  defeription  abounded  in  every 
part  of  the  Union  ; and  they  were  not  deficient  in 
exertions,  nor  very  fcrupulous  in  their  meafures,  to 

l 

engage  others  with  them  in  the  caufe. 

They  were  joined  by  all  the  refilefs,  ambitious, 
and  difappointed  perfons,  who,  having  abilities 

which 


[ >4  ] 

which  rendered  them  dangerous,  but  wanting  thole 
virtues  which  beget  refpedt  and  confidence  in  man- 
kind, had  been  defeated  in  their  ambitious  and  af- 
piring  views  by  the  good  fenfe  and  caution  of  the 
people.  Stimulated  at  once  by  ambition,  chagrin 
and  refentment,  thefe  men  were  ready  to  join  in  a 
meafure,  which  furni filed  fo  alluring  a profped  of 
producing  a revolution  in  government,  or  changing 
the  prefent  order  of  things  in  fuch  a manner,  as  to 
give  them  an  opportunity  of  riling  to  eminence  and 
diftin&ion, 

Some  were  advocates  for  war  from  an  opinion 
that  the  national  honour  required  ip.  Some,  becaufe 
they  cherifhed  an  old  grudge  againfi:  Great-Britain, 
and,  without  attending  well  to  the  probable  confe- 
quences  of  the  meafure,  were  ready  to  feize  on  any 
opportunity  to  manifefi:  their  refentment.  And 
fome  there  were,  who  thought  this  country  obliged, 
either  by  treaty  or  by  the  principle  of  gratitude,  to 
engage  a&ively  with  France  in  her  contefi:  againfi; 
the  enemies  of  her  freedom  and  independence. 

It  happened  unfortunately  that  within  the  United 
States  were  many  citizens  deeply  indebted  to  Britifli 
merchants,  A rupture  with  Great-Britain  prefent- 
ed  a certain  profpedt  of  either  an  entire  extinftion  of 
thofe  debts,  or  at  leaf!  a delay  of  the  term  of  pay- 
ment.— And  we  cannot  but  lament  that  the  language 
employed,  and  meafures  propofed  by  fome  influen- 
tial* 


C *5  ] 

tial  members  of  Congrefs  were  fuch,  as  to  expofe 
them  to  the  fufpicion  of  acting  under  the  influence  of 
this  confideration.  Candour,  however,  and  a regard 
to  the  honour  of  our  country  would  lead  us  to  hope, 
that  no  man,  entrufted  with  a fhare  in  the  manage- 
ment of  our  national  concerns,  would  advile  to  mea- 
fures  obvioufly  tending  to  involve  the  whole  country 
in  a ruinous  war,  for  the  fake  of  relieving  fome  in- 
dividuals, in  the  flare  to  v/hich  he  belonged,  from' 
the  neceflity  of  paying  their  juft  debts. 

The  feveral  characters  and  deferiptions  of  men 
which  have  been  mentioned,  befides  their  own  direct: 
exertions,  had  their  feveral  fpheres  of  influence  ; and 
being  joined  in  their  meafures  by  the  diforderly,  the 
difeontented,  the  enemies  of  the  Federal  Government, 
and  thofe  who  were  difaffected  on  account  of  its 
general  operation,  or  particular  parts  of  its  admini- 
ftration,  they  conftituted  a very  formidable  faction 
in  the  ftate. 

The  more  effectually  to  accomplifh  their  purpofes, 
they  inftituted  focieties  in  imitation  of  the  jacobin 
clubs  in  France  ; and  in  order  to  ftrengthen  their 
party  and  carry  into  effect  their  defigns,  they  had  re- 
courfe  to  meafures  which  muft  have  funk  a good 
caufe  into  difrepute, — a bad  one  it  rendered  infa- 
mous. By  feditious  and  inflammatory  publications 
they  endeavoured  to  poifon  the  public  mind, — to 
deceive  the  people, — to  excite  their  jealoufy,  and 
roufe  their  pafiions.  The 


C >6  ] 

The  enemies  of  peace  and  order  were  greatly  aided 
in  their  defigns,  by  finding,  in  feveral  parts  of  the 
\Jnion,  printers  of  news-papers,  who  regarded  fo  little 
their  duty  to  the  public,  as  to  devote  their  prefies  to 
the  caufe  of  fedition,  and  to  fuffer  falfehood,  flander, 
and  mifreprefentation  to  flow  copioufly  in  thofe  pa- 
pers, which  fhould  have  been  facredly  employed  as 
the  vehicles  of  public  inflrudlion  and  political  in- 
formation. In  thofe  papers  they  defamed  and  abufed 
public  characters, — they  mifreprefented  and  cenfured 
the  meafures  of  government, — they  endeavoured  to 
caft  an  odium  on  the  molt  meritorious  officers  of 
government  on  account  of  their  moft  meritorious 
actions,  and  thus  to  deftroy  the  public  confidence 
in  them.  They  abufed  the  Prefident  for  exerting 
his  conftitutional  authority  in  order  to  preferve 
our  peace.  They  vilified  and  traduced  thofe  mem- 
bers of  Congrefs,  who  advocated  moderate  and  pa- 
cific meafures  ; holding  them  up  to  public  detefia- 
tion  as  lukewarm  patriots,  as  being  under  Britifli 
influence, — friends  to  Great-Britain,  and  enemies  to 
their  country.  Their  fpeeches  they  mutilated,  and 
handed  fcraps  of  them  to  the  public  in  fuch  a form, 
and  fo  detached  from  their  conne&ion,  as  entirely  td 
pervert  their  meaning,  and  convey  fentiments  which 
were  never  entertained  by  their  authors. 

By  the  circulation  of  thofe  papers,  fufpicions  were 
Town  among  the  people,  the  public  fentiment  was 
( milled. 


C '7  3 

milled,  and  the  public  feelings  agitated.  And  the 
fpirit  of  diforder,  uneafinefs,  and  oppofition,  by 
which  the  public  tranquility  was  threatened  in  every 
part  of  the  Union,  in  one  part  of  it  adually  broke 
out  in  avowed  oppofition  to  the  laws,  and  open  re- 
bellion againfl:  the  government. 

Thefe,  which  I have  mentioned,  are  fome  of  the 
leading  circumftances,  which  have  operated  to  dis- 
turb our  internal  tranquility, — threatened  to  fhake 
the  fabric  of  our  government— thus  endangered  our 
freedom,  and  rendered  it  difficult  for  the  friends  of 
peace,  in  the  adminiftration  of  government,  to  pre- 
vent our  country  from  being  entangled  in  the  Euro- 
pean war. 

Amidft  all  thefe  obftacles  to  the  continuance  of 
peace  and  tranquility,  through  the  wife  and  feafon- 
able  meafures  adopted  by  the  Prefident,  and  the 
faithful  exertions  of  the  friends  of  peace  and  order  in 
Congrefs,  fupported  by  the  concurrence  of  public 
fentiment,  and  accompanied  with  the  fmiles  of  hea- 
ven, we  yet  enjoy  the  bleffing  of  peace  ; and  a fair 
profpedl,  which  is  daily  brightening,  that  we  fliall 
continue  to  enjoy  it  under  circumfiances  highly  ad- 
vantageous, and  confifient  with  public  faith  and  na- 
tional honour.  Rejoicing  in  the  continuance  of  peace, 
and  the  check,  which  has  been  given  to  a fpirit  of 
diforder  and  infurredtion  ; we  have  reafon  to  blefs 
the  day,  when  the  friends  of  peace  and  advocates  of 
C moderate 


[ i«  ] 

moderate  meafures  prevailed  over  thofe,  who,  by  ralh 
and  violent  proceedings,  would  have  precipitated  our 
country  into  a ruinous  war.  And  we  have  the  further 
fatisfadlion  of  feeing,  that  the  leaders  of  fadtion  are 
lofing  their  influence, — that  the  honeft  and  well- 
meaning  citizens,  who  had  been  duped  by  their  ar- 
tifices, and  betrayed  into  their  meafures,  begin  to  be 
undeceived, — and  that  the  focieties,  which  had  arro- 
gantly ufurped  the  prerogative  of  the  people,  and 
were  endeavouring  to  didtate  to  their  reprefentative 
government,  and  to  controul  its  meafures,  are  fall 
dwindling  into  infignificance. 

To  the  continuance  of  peace,  the  fupprefllon  of 
infurredtion,  and  the  triumph  of  order  it  is  chiefly 
owing,  that  this  country  is,  in  other  refpedts,  in  fo 
flourilhing  a condition. 

It  requires  but  little  difeernment  and  only  com- 
mon attention  to  perceive,  that  the  unexampled 
profperity  of  the  feveral  clafles  of  our  citizens,  our 
rapid  improvement  in  agriculture  and  manufactures, 
the  furprifing  increafe  of  our  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion, the  prodigious  accefiion  of  wealth  and  ftrength 
to  the  community  at  large,  and  the  eafy  circumftan- 
ces  of  the  inhabitants  in  general,  of  every  clafs,  are 
chiefly  owing  to  that  regular  courfe  of  things,  which 
feveral  years  peace,  a good  government,  and  internal 
tranquility  have  produced.  And  nothing  is  more 
certain,  than  that  all  thefe  marks  of  profperity  muft 

receive 


I 


[ l9  3 

receive  a check,  and  fome  of  them  perhaps  be  utter- 
ly annihilated,  were  we  to  engage  in  a war  with  any 
of  the  European  powers,  or  were  our  government  to 
be  materially  fhocked  by  faction. 

There  never  was  a time  heretofore  when  this 
country  was  in  fo  fiourilhing  a condition,  and  made 
fo  refpeCtable  a figure  abroad,  as  it  does  at  this  day. 
Among  many  other  evidences  of  our  increafing 
wealth,  power,  and  importance,  it  is  particularly 
worthy  of  our  prefent  notice,  that  notwithftanding 
the  long  and  expenfive  war  by  which  we  purchafed 
our  independence,  the  refources  of  the  United  States 
are  fuch,  as  to  enable  them  to  pay,  with  a great  deal 
of  eafe,  the  intereft  of  the  public  debt  ; and  that  the 
prefent  debates  in  Congrefs,  on  the  reduction  of  the 
public  debt,  difeover  to  us  that  there  is  ability  in  the 
nation  and  a difpofition  in  our  government,  by  a 
pretty  rapid  procefs  to  fink  the  principal.  It  is 
highly  honorary  to  the  United  States,  and  a fource 
of  confolation  to  the  citizens  ; that,  while  other  na- 
tions, already  burdened  with  debt  to  the  utmoffc  ex- 
tent of  their  refources,  are  yet  madly  plunging  into 
the  moll  ruinous  wars  to  add  to  their  embarralT- 
ments ; it  is  the  enlightened  policy  of  our  govern- 
ment to  avail  itfelf  of  the  prefent  profperity  to  relieve 
the  country  of  exifting  debt,  and,  if  pollible,  to  avoid 
the  necefiity  of  increafing  it,  and  to  prolong  that 
peace  and  profperity,  which  furnilh  the  only  hope  of 
its  final  extinction.  The 


[ 20  ] 

The  fuccefs,  which  has  attended  the  late  negocia- 
tion  with  the  court  of  Great-Britain,  furnilhes  anoth- 
er proof  of  our  national  refpedability.  We  have 
authentic,  though  not  official  notice,  that  the  En- 
voy Extraordinary,  lately  fent  by  our  Supreme  Ex- 
ecutive to  the  Britifh  court,  on  buiinefs  of  the  moft 
interefting  nature,  has  effected  the  defign  of  his  mif- 
lion.  This  fuccefs,  while  it  evinces  that  our  friend- 
fhip  is  of  fome  importance  in  the  eftimation  of  other 
powers,  we  have  reafon  to  hope  and  exped,  will 
contribute  much  to  our  future  profperity  and  hap- 
pinefs. 

To  enumerate  the  marks  of  private  profperity 
w'ould  lead  me  beyond  the  limits  of  a fermon.  It  is, 
befides,  unneceffary.  They  are  feen  and  felt  by  all 
the  inhabitants  of  our  land.  That  people  in  general 
of  nearly  every  clafs  and  occupation  enjoy  a ftate  of 
unufual  profperity  ; that  the  means  of  a comfortable 
fubfiflence  were  never  more  than  now  within  the 
reach  of  all  ; that  induftry  and  enterprize  ia  every 
line  of  life  are  highly  encouraged — that  they  receive 
a fure  and  ample  reward — and  that  this  reward  is  well 
fecured  to  him  who  earns  it,  are  fads  fo  obvious,  that 
they  can  neither  be  overlooked  nor  contefted. 

Equally  certain  it  is,  that  we  live  under  a mild 
and  free  government ; as  mild  and  free  as  we  can 
bear — a government,  under  which  each  individual 
has  given  up  as  few  of  his  natural  rights,  as  is  con- 
fident 


[ ] 

ilftent  with  the  fecure  poffefTion  of  the  reft  in  a ftate 
of  fociety. 

For  all  thefe  public  bleflings  and  marks  of  private 
profperity,  which  diftinguifh  our  condition  as  a peo- 
ple and  as  individuals,  let  the  juft  tribute  of  our  unf- 
ted  thanks  afcend  this  day,  as  an  acceptable  facrifice, 
to  that  God,  by  whofe  providence  we  enjoy  them  all. 

And  while,  with  hearts  deeply  imprefled  with  a 
fenfe  of  our  obligations,  we  unitedly  praife  the  Lord 
for  thefe  indications  of  divine  benignity  ; pioufly 
noticing  the  footfteps  of  a kind  providence  in  our  na- 
tional concerns  : the  proclamation  direcfts  us,  “ at 
t(  the  fame  time  humbly  and  fervently  to  befeech  the 
ec  kind  Author  of  thefe  bleffings  gracioufly  to  prolong 
“ them  to  us,  and  to  imprint  on  our  hearts  a deep 
*'  and  folemn  fenfe  of  our  obligations  to  him  for 
“ them.” 

While  we  hold  in  juft  eftimation  the  patriotic  ex- 
ertions of  thofe  men,  who  were  inftrumental  in  fra- 
ming and  eftablilhing  the  happy  government  under 
which  we  live,  as  well  as  of  thofe  who  have  been  the 
means  of  preferving  to  us  the  great  blefling  of  peace, 
and  promoting  our  profperity  ; let  us  yet  always  bear 
in  mind,  that,  in  effecting  thefe  bleffed  ends,  they 
were  but  the  inftruments  of  that  providence,  which 
rules  over  all  ; and  that  our  firft  acknowlegements 
are  due  to  the  Father  of  light sy  from  whom  comes  down 
every  good  and  perfect  gift. 


This 


[ 22  ] 

This  direction  of  the  Prefident  to  exprefs  a pious 
fenfe  of  dependence  on  the  great  Governor  of  the 
world  is  peculiarly  feafonable  at  the  prefent  day, 
when  we  are  in  fo  great  danger  of  imbibing  the  athe- 
iftic  fentiments  fo  openly  avowed  and  publicly  coun- 
tenanced by  a nation,  with  which  we  have  clofe  con- 
nections and  conftant  intercourfe. 

The  French  people,  as  was  naturally  to  be  expeCt- 
ed,  in  their  zeal  to  deftroy  every  veftige  of  the  an- 
cient tyranny  and  fuperflition,  have  gone  to  a la- 
mentable excefs  on  the  other  extreme.  They  have 
too  evidently  confounded  government  with  tyranny, 
and  religion  with  fuperflition.  We  are  not  however 
to  imagine,  as  has  been  too  haftily  believed  by  fome, 
that  the  French  are  become  a nation  of  atheifts. — Yet 
it  is  certain  that  a very  confiderable  proportion  of  the 
nation  have  exploded  all  religion  ; and,  in  fome  of 
their  moll  public  and  folemn  adts,  their  government 
has  virtually  rejected  the  dodtrine  of  a God  govern- 
ing the  world  by  his  providence.  While  we  put  a 
candid  conftrudtion  on  the  prefent  infidelity  and  ir- 
religion  of  the  French,  attributing  it  to  their  zeal  to 
exterminate  all  fuperflition  ; and  while  we  hope  and 
believe  that,  ere  long,  they  will  vibrate  back  again 
to  fome  rational  fyftem  of  religion,  we  cannot  be  too 
careful  to  avoid  the  contagion  of  their  prefent  prin- 
ciples. 

Next  to  acknowleging  the  hand  from  which  our 

bleffings 


[ 23  ] 

blefHngs  flow,  it  is  neceffary  for  us  “ rightly  to  efti- 
« mate  their  immenfe  value.”  If  we  eftimate  our 
public  bleflings  according  to  their  worth,  we  fhall 
never  be  willing  to  facrifice  them  to  private  intereft, 
party  prejudices,  national  pride,  paflion,  or  refent- 
ment.  It  will  be  our  wifh  to  prolong  them  to  the 
lateft  period,  and  to  preferve  them  unimpaired. 

We  are  dire&ed  to  pray,  that  God  would  ff  pre- 
" ferve  us  from  the  arrogance  of  profperity,  and  from 
“ hazarding  the  advantages  we  enjoy  by  delufive 
*f  purfuits.” 

Nations  are  apt  to  grow  arrogant  and  prefumptu- 
ous,  as  they  become  rich  and  powerful  ; and  wan- 
tonly to  engage  in  deftrucfiive  wars,  which  ferve  to 
exhauft  the  treafures,  and  wafle  the  ftrength  of  the 
country,  to  contaminate  the  morals  of  the  people, 
and,  by  a certain  procefs,  to  corrupt  their  govern- 
ment and  undermine  their  liberties.  They  will  fac- 
rifice the  lives  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  to  na- 
tional pride  and  refentment  ; and,  inftead  of  endea- 
vouring to  reconcile  differences  with  other  nations 
by  fair  negociation,  will  bring  the  heaviefl  calamities 
on  the  country,  by  appealing  to  the  fword  for  de- 
cifion  on  the  moft  trifling  occafions. 

Another  danger  to  which  we  are  expofed  by  prof- 
perity is,  that,  as  we  increafe  in  wealth,  we  fhall 
progrefs  in  luxury  ; that  diftinftions  in  fociety  will 
be  marked  by  ftronger  lines,  as  we  depart  from  that 

mediocrity 


[ n ] 

mediocrity  of  condition,  which,  as  yet,  very  much 
diftinguiftres  the  fituation  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
country  ; and  that,  as  inequality  of  condition  gradu- 
ally increafes,  we  (hall  gradually  lofe  our  republican 
fentiments  and  manners,  and  with  them  our  repub- 
lican form  of  government.  God  forbid  this  fhould 
ever  be  the  cafe  ! But  certainly  there  is  a natural 
tendency  toward  it,  which  it  requires  fome  care  both 
in  the  Government  and  in  the  people  to  guard  againft. 

The  body  of  the  people,  efpecially  in  the  middle 
and  lower  walks  of  life,  muft  cherifli  the  republican 
virtues.  They  muft  be  diftinguiftied  by  induftry, 
frugality,  and  temperance  ; fo  as  to  maintain  their 
individual  freedom  and  independence,  and  prevent 
the  wealth,  and  with  it  the  power  of  the  community, 
from  fettling  into  the  hands  of  a few. 

And  the  Government  would  do  well  to  fet  the  peo- 
ple an  example  of  republican  plainnefs  and  frugality. 
Were  perfons  in  high  office  in  government  to  dif- 
countenance  by  their  example  the  introdudlion  of 
luxury,  extravagance,  and  diffipation,  it  might  have 
confiderable  influence  on  the  manners  of  fociety  at 
large.  They  may  further  fubferve  effentially  the 
public  good  by  purfuing  regular  and  uniform  mea- 
fures  in  the  adminiftration  of  government  ; by  a fixt 
and  permanent  policy  ; and  by  holding  up  as  few 
objetfts  of  fpeculation  as  poffible,  which  ferve  to  dif- 
courage  the  exertions  of  patient  induftry,  by  enabling 

enterprizing 


[ 15  ] 

enterprizing  individuals,  and  ofren  the  Ieaft  ufeful 
members  of  the  community,  to  acquire  large  fortunes 
without  induftry,  and  without  purfuing  any  regular 
bufinefs. 

The  Prefident’s  caution  againft  delulive  purfuits, 
which  endanger  the  advantages  we  now  enjoy,  re- 
minds us  of  certain  commercial  regulations  propofed 
in  Congrefs  for  the  purpofe  of  promoting  the  com- 
mercial intereft  of  the  country.  Upon  thorough 
examination  of  their  nature  and  tendency  it  appeared 
that  they  muff,  in  the  iflue,  have  operated  extremely 
to  our  difadvantage.  This  being  the  cafe,  the  adop- 
tion of  them  with  the  expe&ation  of  their  promoting 
our  advantage  muft  have  proved  a very  delufive 
purfuit. 

It  reminds  us  of  the  vigorous  effort  afterward 
made,  by  taking  advantage  of  the  general  indigna- 
tion at  the  depredations  made  on  our  commerce  by 
the  Britifh  in  the  Weft-Indies,  to  ftir  up  the  people 
and  the  government  to  acfts  of  hoftiliry  in  return. 
Befides  the  numberlefs  incidental  calamities  of  war, 
the  expofure  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens, 
fuch  a meafure  muft  have  brought  on  us,  it  muft  have 
been  the  occafion  of  increaftng  beyond  all  calcula- 
tion our  public  debt,  and  in  equal  proportion  aug- 
menting our  public  burdens. 

A more  delufive  purfuit  can  fcarcely  be  imagined, 
than  that  of  plunging  a nation  in  war  to  obtain  in- 
D demnification 


[ 26  ] 

demnification  for  injuries,  which,  if  obtained,  would 
pay  but  an  inconfiderable  part  of  the  probable  ex- 
pences  of  the  war.  Efpecially  where  any  hope  re- 
mains of  an  amicable  adjuftment  of  difficulties  by 
negociation. 

It  leads  us  again  to  think  of  the  clamours,  daily 
made  again  ft  our  government  by  perfons,  who  would 
make  the  people  believe  it  too  ariftocratic  in  its  form 
and  oppreffive  in  its  operation. 

Under  our  prefent  government,  where  each  man 
is  fairly  reprefented,  where  all,  except  in  a very  few 
cafes  of  incapacity,  are  alike  candidates  for  office, 
and  every  public  officer  is  fubjecft  to  the  law,  and  ac- 
countable for  his  condueft  in  office,  there  is  as  much 
freedom  and  equality  as  can  exift  with  focial  order. 
Every  attempt  to  leften  the  confidence  of  the  people 
in  their  public  fervants,  to  fpread  difcontent  and 
jealoufy,  to  foment  a fpirit  of  facftion,  to  excite  in- 
furrecftion  or  oppofition  to  the  meafures  of  govern- 
ment ; and  all  mifreprefentations  of  the  defigns  and 
meafures  of  men  in  office,  have  a certain  tendency 
to  undermine  and  deftroy,  inftead  of  increafing,  the 
freedom  of  the  people.  This  the  leaders  of  faction 
know.  But  they  have  popular  themes  of  declama- 
tion with  which  to  deceive  the  people ; and  they 
have  it  in  their  power,  by  difguifing  well  their  real 
views,  to  delude  into  their  meafures  many  honeft  and 
firm  friends  to  liberty  with  order. 


Equally 


[ *7  ] 

Equally  unfriendly  to  the  continuance  oi  liberty 
and  equal  rights  are  the  popular  focieties  eftabliffied 
in  this  country  as  checks  on  our  government. 
Whatever  may  be  their  pretences  to  democratic 
principles,  they  conftitute  a dangerous  ariftocracy. 
They  are  inconfiftent  with  any  permanent  govern- 
ment, as  they  tend  to  keep  a country  in  a ftate  of 
perpetual  revolution.  In  the  hiftory  of  France  for 
three  years  pad  we  have  melancholy  evidence,  that 
they  put  it  in  the  power  of  a few  popular  and  am- 
bitious individuals  to  controul  the  operations  of  the 
reprefentatives  of  the  people,  and  in  effed  to  exer- 
cife  the  whole  power  of  the  government. 

A fpirit  of  jealoufy  is  the  foul  of  a republican 
government.  By  watching  faithfully  the  meafures 
of  government,  the  people  have  it  in  their  power  to 
keep  in  office  thofe  men  who  ferve  them  with  fidel- 
ity, and  purfue  meafures  promotive  of  the  general 
good,  and  to  difplace  thofe  who  do  not. 

But  this  is  a fervice  they  can  only  perform  them- 
felves.  It  is  not  capable  of  being  delegated  to  oth- 
ers. They  can  neither  with  propriety  nor  fafety  en- 
truft  it  in  the  hands  of  men  they  do  not  know  ; men 
who  have  nothing  to  recommend  them  to  public 
confidence,  but  their  own  high  pretenfions  to  ex- 
alted patriotifm  and  concern  for  the  liberties  of  the 
people — pretenfions,  which  none  but  their  own  fo- 
ciety  have  acknowleged,  and  which  we  do  not 

know 


C 38  ] 

know  that  they  have  ever  fupported  by  a&ual  ex- 
ertions for  the  public  good. 

While,  as  friends  to  order,  we  reprobate  all  com- 
binations of  men  for  the  purpofe  of  oppofing,  em- 
barrafTing,  or  controuling  the  operations  of  govern- 
ment, or  influencing  elections ; as  friends  to  liberty, 
we  fhould  cherifh  a fpirit  of  jealoufy,  and  earneftly 
wifh  that  all  might  be  vigilant  in  guarding  their 
rights,  and  in  preventing  the  corruption  of  govern- 
ment, and  checking  its  tendency  toward  defpotifm. 

The  prayer  of  David  refpe&ing  thofe,  who  were 
combined  againfl:  him  and  oppofed  his  wife  govern- 
ment, feems  peculiarly  applicable  to  the  combina- 
tions againfl:  our  Federal  Government.  Slay  them 
not , left  my  people  forget  • J'catter  them  by  thy  power , 
and  bring  them  down . It  is  not  to  be  wifhed  that 
oppofition  fhould  be  wholly  extinguifhed.  It  would 
be  an  unfavourable  fymptom.  It  would  denote  a 
political  lethargy.  But  it  is  defirable  that  it  fhould 
be  prevented  from  riling  to  excefs,  and,  by  powerful 
combinations  of  men,  fhaking  the  fabric  of  govern- 
ment. A little  fermentation  gives  a proper  anima- 
tion and  vigour  to  the  body  politic  ; but,  carried  to 
excefs,  it  produces  convulfions,  which  threaten  dif- 
folution. 

Again.  We  are  not  to  expe£t  the  continuance  of 
our  prefent  advantages,  unlefs  we  <(  merit  it  by  not 

<c  abufing 


L 29  3 

f‘  abufing  them,  by  our  gratitude  for  them,  and  by 
c*  a correfponding  condudt  as  citizens,  and  as  men.” 

We  fhall  be  guilty  of  abufing  our  advantages,  if, 
as  a nation,  or  as  individuals,  we  become  vain,  pre- 
fumptuous,  and  infenfible  of  our  obligations  ; cor- 
rupt and  licentious  in  our  manners,  regardlefs  of  the 
principles  of  piety  and  morality,  and  inattentive  to 
religious  obligation  and  focial  duties.  And  we  fhall 
deferve  to  lofe  our  excellent  government  and  the 
freedom  it  fecures,  if  we  ever  become,  on  the  one 
hand,  fo  inattentive  to  our  rights,  as  to  allow  the 
government  to  become  oppreflive  ; or  fuffer  in- 
triguing men,  on  the  other  hand,  to  amufe  us  with 
the  idea  of  more  perfect  freedom,  fo  as  to  undermine 
the  principles  of  our  excellent  conftitution,  and  by 
their  infidious  manoeuvres  to  excite  difcontent,  and 
produce  a revolution. 

While  our  primary  and  principal  view,  in  im- 
proving with  fidelity  our  national  advantages,  and 
making  ff  our  condudl  as  citizens  and  as  men,  cor- 
” refpondent  to  them,”  is  to  fecure  and  perpetuate 
thereby  our  individual  intereft  and  the  common  good 
of  our  country  ; it  is  natural  and  juft  for  us  to  make 
it  a fecondary  conftderation,  at  a time  when  the  con- 
vulfions  of  Europe  oblige  fo  many  to  quit  their  na- 
tive countries  and  feek  a fecure  and  peaceful  retreat 
abroad,  “ to  render  this  country  a fafe  and  propitious 
,f  afylum  to  the  unfortunate  of  other  countries  :” 

and. 


C 30  ] 

and,  with  our  faithful  exertions,  to  join  our  united 
and  fervent  prayers  for  this  happy  effedt. 

While  we  again  pray,  “ that  true  and  ufeful 
“ knowlege  may  be  extended  among  us,  and  that 
“ habits  of  fobriety,  order,  morality  and  piety  may 
“ be  diffufed  and  eftablifhed,”  let  us  accompany  our 
prayers  with  the  moll  zealous  and  faithful  exertions 
to  promote  thefe  delirable  ends. 

As  long  as  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  fhall  be 
attentive  to  the  fubjedt  of  education,  extending  pub- 
lic advantages,  as  is  now  done  in  this  and  fome  of 
the  other  dates  in  the  union,  to  the  children  of  every 
clafs  of  citizens  ; and  as  long  as  we  fhall  be  diftin- 
guifhed  by  the  general  prevalence  of  the  habits  of 
fobriety , order > morality  and  piety,  there  can  be  no  dan- 
ger of  our  loling  the  bleflings  of  freedom  and  good 
government.  But,  certain  it  is,  thefe  bleflings  will 
be  no  longer  ours,  when  thofe  habits  fhall  be  loft, 
and  the  general  extenfion  of  the  means  of  education 
fhall  be  negledted.  We  fhall  always  have  a govern- 
ment fuited  to  our  character.  Freedom  and  order 
can  be  fupported  only  in  an  enlightened  and  virtu- 
ous community.  Ignorance  and  vice  require  the 
feverer  difeipline  of  arbitrary  power.  And  it  is 
their  natural  tendency  to  introduce  it. 

When  we  extend  our  view  to  other  countries,  in 
many  of  them  we  meet  with  ftriking  evidences  of 
the  juftice  of  this  laft  remark.  We  find  that  igno- 
rance 


[-  31  ] 

ranee  and  fuperftition,  and  a prevalence  of  bad  mor- 
als are  the  fupport  of  defpotic  power. 

Our  fatisfadtion  in  contemplating  the  fiourifhing 
condition  and  bright  profpebis  of  the  United  States 
is  checked,  when  we  contraft  with  it  the  calamities 
of  other  nations,  which  are  either  oppreffed  by  def- 
potic power,  involved  in  the  miferies  of  deftructive 
war,  or  draggling  with  faction  at  home  and  conflict- 
ing with  foes  abroad  in  the  caufe  of  liberty. 

Enjoying  ourfelves  the  fweets  of  peace,  freedom, 
focial  order,  and  profperity,  and  fympathizing  in  the 
fufferings  of  thofe  to  whom  thefe  bleffings  are  de- 
nied, let  it  be  our  fervent  and  devout  prayer  to  Al- 
mighty God,  “ that  all  the  bleffings  we  poflefs  or 
tc  afk  for  ourfelves,  may  be  imparted  to  the  whole 
<f  family  of  mankind.” 


FINIS . 


/ 


